Tuesday, January 15, 2013

Unexpected Outbreaks of Cooperation


A Sermon by the Rev. Melanie Morel-Ensminger
First Unitarian Universalist Church of New Orleans
Sunday, January 13, 2013

You never know when you’re going to need an unexpected outbreak of cooperation.  Just this week, an opportunity arose within our church as confusion over the date of the Martin Luther King Jr. holiday caused a disruption in planning for this service.  Within the space of just 2 days, and with me being a thousand miles away, we had to pull together this morning’s service.  In a terrific show of cooperation and teamwork, office volunteer Jolanda Walter, Music Director Betsy McGovern, and accompanist Jane Jensen all agreed to drop our carefully laid plans for this Sunday, move it all to next week (which actually IS Martin Luther King weekend), and quickly finalize today’s service.  It had to be done, I couldn’t have done it alone, and it needed everyone’s cheerful cooperation – it all came together and I’m so grateful.

Today’s topic really is a fascinating subject:  Just how is it that the normal rationally-selfish orientation of an individual human being becomes cooperative within a community? Natalie Glance and Bernardo Huberman, co-authors of the Scientific American article excerpted for our Reading, have studied what is called the social dilemma phenomenon for years, employing both mathematical analysis and elaborate computer models, and using previous work by other scientists. From all this work, they have drawn several conclusions that have important implications for all those involved in a group of people requiring cooperation, such as unions, corporations, governments, voluntary organizations -- and of course congregations.  In short, what we learn from the study of social dilemmas is important for just about everyone.

In general, as in the Diner’s Dilemma scenario, human beings generally function in ways that tend to maximize the outcome of a situation for themselves.  That is, individuals will make such choices UNLESS some factors enter in that convince a person to act more altruistically, more in line with the common good of a group or community, even if that choice is somewhat disadvantageous to themselves.

Glance and Huberman found that there were 4 factors that increased the amount of cooperation in a group.  First is the tenure of an individual within the group; that is, how long a person has been a member, and how long they expect to stay a member.  A person brand-new to the group, or who is planning to move away, is more likely to act in their own best interest than to think of the welfare of the group.  On the other hand, a person who’s been a part of the group for a long time, or one who plans to make the community their home, tends more toward behavior that fosters the common good of the group.

This same principle holds true in a church.  Folks who are new, or who may not be committed to staying, are less willing to support the congregation with their time, talent, and treasure.  On the other hand, generally speaking, it is often the longest-term members of a church and those who expect to stay for a long time who are usually its most generous givers and hardest workers.

The 2nd factor in cooperation is the size of the group.  The larger the crowd, the more reasonable it would be to expect that the effects of an individual’s action would be diluted.  In the dinner party example, $20-$25 either way makes little difference if the check is being divided among 30 diners -- but it makes a BIG difference to 5 diners.  In general, the larger the group, the harder it is to maintain cooperation of all the individuals involved.
Again, we find that this also works in churches.  In a very small church, a shortfall of $100 can break the budget; in a middle-size congregation a deficit of $1000 is a crisis.  In a large church, there might be tolerance for variances that would be unthinkable to congregations in the smaller categories.  An amount that’s hard to raise for 50 people is somewhat easier for 100, and is a walk in the park for 1000 people.  By the same token, once a pattern of non-cooperation has begun -- what Glance and Huberman call the stability function -- it is much harder to jumpstart cooperation in a large group than in a small one.  The possible positive effects of individuals is diluted in a large group, and the possible negative consequences loom so large, that the disincentive to defect vanishes, and cooperation becomes difficult.

This is not to say, however, that cooperation is impossible in big groups.  The examples given by the authors of the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union show that cooperation toward even momentous change IS possible in even the largest of groups.  To increase the likelihood of cooperation, Glance and Huberman recommend forming smaller groups within the large group -- much like the way the UUA recommends the formation and nurture of small group ministries, or Covenant Groups, within Unitarian Universalist congregations.

The 3rd factor is the amount of information available to the people in the group.  Not too surprisingly, communication fosters cooperation -- in fact, studies show that redundancy in communicating, what the authors call “repeated iterations,” promotes cooperative attitudes.  The more the participants talked to one another, the more information that was shared in the group, the more often the same information was repeated, the greater and stronger the cooperation.  Once again using the Diners Dilemma as our example, if the dinner guests talked out loud about their menu choices and what they felt like eating (and spending), then the more likely it would be that all would stay in tune and not attempt to “free ride” each other.

Perhaps to even say that communication is important in securing the cooperation of the members of a congregation is a big DUH!  It is certainly something that our congregation has been reminded of quite recently.  But it is a little surprising how many churches -- including our own -- forget the importance of good communication. 

To increase the spirit of cooperation in any group, but especially a religious community based in congregational polity, the members have to feel that they are included, kept informed, and not being led around in the dark by leaders who don’t trust them.  (Years ago, there was a cartoon that circulated around the middle managers of the Godchaux’s store on Canal Street where I worked as assistant store manager.  The cartoon showed an unhappy-looking mushroom; the caption said, “I must be a mushroom, because they keep me in the dark and feed me manure.”  The store was family-owned and not very open to new ideas and outsiders; it has since gone out of business.)  In a strong and healthy community, there is no such thing as too much communication.

The 4th factor may surprise you -- it sure did me.  It is diversity.  I’ll bet you thought, as I did, that the more homogenous the group, the better the cooperative spirit.  Disparate beliefs, Glance and Huberman found, tended to increase the amount of co-operation in a group.  Their studies showed 2 kinds of diversity that affected social cooperation.  One is a difference in what they called a “threshold” which basically means different people have different tolerances in different situations.

The other difference that impacts cooperation is factions, or small groups within the larger group that share a particular outlook or point of view.  For example, among our diners there might be both struggling students and successful professionals.  The variations within the subgroups would be much smaller than between the 2 subgroups.

What does this mean for a liberal church?  For one thing, it would mean that there really IS “unity in diversity.”  The more inclusive the church, the more varied the beliefs and philosophies, the easier it is to foster co-operation, as each different person with their differing threshold and each subgroup with their new belief system makes the decision to commit to the community as a whole, causing a rippling cascade effect throughout the congregation.  All of us thinking alike, all of us agreeing, all of us being of one mind -- turns out to be, counter-intuitively, the wrong way to build a strong cooperative religious community.

So how do you increase cooperation in a social group?  You rely on the example of the most committed individuals with the longest horizons; you break the larger group into smaller more cohesive units; you increase the amount of communication and the rate and iteration of information flow; you open up the group to be more inclusive, more diverse.  How do you get a UU congregation to be a more cooperative community, to raise the amount pledged in the Annual Budget Drive, to get more volunteers for Sunday School, to act in ways that foster the common good?  You do the same things.

But there’s no utopia, no perfect community, no completely cooperative congregation.  The automatic default setting on most human beings is self-interest, not altruism.  Folks will always slide back into seeking a free ride, or getting the most they can while giving the least they can.  The way that Glance and Huberman chart the flow of cooperative human behavior, it’s easy to see why they say that building a community will always be “punctuated by unexpected outbreaks of cooperation.” 

But pockets of collaboration can spread; outbreaks of cooperation can become a full-scale wave.  Community, although it requires a lessening of the maximized outcome for the individual, turns out to have unmeasurable benefits that most folks eventually feel is worth the risk and the trouble.
It IS a social dilemma, all right -- how to nurture the spirit of co-operative community while still valuing and upholding the rights of the individual.  Is it easy?  By no means.  Is it worth it?  I believe most of us would join me in saying, from the heart, Oh yes.  So might this be, for our lives and in this congregation!  AMEN -- ASHE – SHALOM -- SALAAM -- NAMASTE -- BLESSED BE!