Wednesday, August 15, 2012

Revisiting The Port Huron Statement at 50


A Sermon by the Rev. Melanie Morel-Ensminger
First Unitarian Universalist Church of New Orleans
Sunday, August 12, 2012

In a funny scene in an even funnier movie, “The Big Lebowski,” the iconic “Dude,” portrayed by Jeff Bridges, tries to impress a woman by claiming to have been one of the authors of “the original Port Huron statement” and disavows any connection to what he disparagingly calls  “the compromised 2nd draft.”  For millions of people, this is all they know of the Port Huron Statement, which marked its 50th anniversary in June.  But I think we should remember the Port Huron Statement, remember that it was brave and prophetic and visionary, remember that despite its relative obscurity to the general public, it had a far-reaching effect on justice movements that followed it.  Learning the story can be an object lesson in how being effective in the long term can mean failing in the short term – something I believe that we religious liberals need to be reminded of from time to time.
It is difficult to look back now on the summer of 1962.  It was an almost impossibly innocent time, very different from today.  There was almost no campus unrest.  The only public protests were coming from disenfranchised African-Americans in the South and these were not yet highly publicized.  There had not been a political assassination of a national figure in this country since the shooting death of Huey Long in Louisiana in 1935.  The Cold War was raging, and many people feared nuclear Armageddon was imminent.  A proxy war was going on in a place called Vietnam, where American troop levels had recently tripled, but the war had not yet escalated, and American casualties had yet to become an issue.  There was no second-wave feminism, no American Indian movement, and no environmental movement (indeed, as shown on an episode of Mad Men, at this time many families routinely abandoned their trash at picnic sites).  Gay, lesbian, and transgender folks were deeply in the closet.  For the most part, people, especially white people, felt they could trust their government.  Most of it sounds almost comically foreign to today’s world.
And into this time of relative comfort, relative prosperity, and relative apathy, came a group of fewer than 100 university students, most of them white and middle class, for a convention at a run-down camp outside of Detroit owned by the AFL-CIO.  The group had already undergone an evolution:  begun as the Student League for Industrial Democracy back in 1905, it had been for generations the university arm of the organized labor movement.  In 1960, deciding that the name and the overt labor connection were not conducive to recruiting new members, a group at the University of Michigan at Ann Arbor changed the name to Students for a Democratic Society, SDS for short.  A convention was called for June 1962 in Port Huron, Michigan, and students all over the country were invited.
To prime the pump, so to speak, a draft statement was written before the convention by recent graduate and fledgling journalist (later SDS president) Tom Hayden.  He worked on it from March until the convention began on June 11, citing diverse secular and religious philosophers, including Pope John XXIII (hard to imagine any so-called radical group today quoting a Catholic pope!), and drawing on the concept of “participatory democracy” espoused by his philosophy professor at Michigan, Arnold Kaufman.  This draft – hotly debated, edited, and revised – became what was released on the convention’s last day.  The copy I downloaded from the Internet runs to 40 pages and over 25,000 words.  
It is an interesting and idealistic, if dated, document.  In it, SDS criticizes big business AND organized labor; economic inequality and lack of jobs AND the arms race (for which it faults Russia and the United States equally); the Republican Party AND the Democratic Party.  It attacks racial discrimination and the idea that America is always virtuous.  It calls for increased worker involvement in decisions about their workplaces, and for an enlarged public sector with more protections for those at the bottom of society.  It promotes participatory democracy, with real participation by real people, as a solution to most of what it critiques about American society.
Presciently, the Port Huron Statement decries single-issue politics, and declares that all the problems it cites – racism, militarism, classism, colonialism, ethnocentrism, lack of jobs, corruption in big-city politics, urban blight, political apathy, and so on – are interrelated, and must be fought together.  This view of political and moral challenges being all-of-a-piece was definitely well ahead of its time and presaged the UU principle of the interconnected web by several years.
The statement was unabashedly spiritual in its focus, citing a “disillusion” in American values when faced with the hypocrisy of the arms race and the racial situation, and a “decline of hope” in the country, saying that to be idealistic was considered “deluded.” The authors declare the country to be in “stalemate” and its people “apathetic and manipulated,” living in a pervasive climate of fear.  They stared down materialism, and ringingly declared (in the original exclusive language):

Loneliness, estrangement, isolation describe the vast distance between man and man today.  These dominant tendencies cannot be overcome by better personnel management, nor by improved gadgets, but only when a love of man overcomes the idolatrous worship of things by man.

And this in a time when there weren‘t nearly the over-whelming amount and ubiquity of “gadgets” in society as there are today.  (Indeed, one even wonders exactly what gadgets the young adults of 1962 could have been so concerned about.)
A page earlier, the authors wrote movingly, with near-religious fervor (again in the exclusive language of its time), “We regard men as infinitely precious and possessed of unfulfilled capacities for reason, freedom, and love.”  A beautiful statement of faith in humanity, completely unscientific and unprovable and thus clearly in the realm of spirituality.
The Port Huron Statement went further and called for the arms race to be supplanted by a “peace race,” and declared that the country’s “principal goal should be creating a world where hunger, poverty, disease, ignorance, violence, and exploitation are replaced…by abundance, reason, love, and international cooperation” – propositions which they admitted would be seen by “many” as “juvenile hallucination.”  But this also presaged another principle of Unitarian Universalism, that of “the goal of world community with peace, liberty, and justice for all.”
The statement was ahead of its time in other important ways as well, decrying the plight of America’s great cities (which hadn’t even deteriorated in 1962 to the extent they have today), lack of mental health facilities and adequate pub-lic hospitals (ditto), prisons as “enforcers of misery,” the de-cline of American public education (this at a time that many today consider a “golden age” of public schools), “institutions and practices that stifle dissent,” and agricultural policies based on scarcity.  Who among us here today would argue with any of these points?  And who doesn’t feel a certain frisson of disappointment that the points and the suggestions made by the idealistic young people in the Port Huron Statement were not more widely shared and implemented?
Our Children’s Story this morning, adapted from one in “Tales for Little Rebels,” was first published in the early part of the 20th century, 1912 to be exact.  It speaks of someone imprisoned behind walls, a place once comforting and nurturing, but growing to consciousness of confinement and constriction, and finally having to break out of quietness and apathy to break down the walls.  The young people of Students for a Democratic Society also came to consciousness of confinement and constriction, in a time of quietness and apathy, and decided that they too had to break down the walls.
It is not the place of this sermon to defend what happened later inside the SDS, nor to offer an apology for any actions taken in later years by disaffected former members.  My purpose was to lift up the content of the Port Huron Statement (to remember what it really said, and not what folks may think it said), and to salute the authors and signers for their prescient assessment of important political and moral issues, and their heart-felt endorsement of humanity with peace, equality, justice, freedom, and participatory democracy for all.  They were, at least for a time, on the side of the angels.  Their concerns are our concerns (or ought to be); their commitment to true democratic principles is our commitment; their religious faith in the potential of every human person is also ours. 
If I have piqued your interest, and stimulated you to read the statement in full, and/or to watch the SDS segment of the series on the 60s on the PBS website, or if this sermon just causes you to rethink your opinions in some way, then I will feel I have accomplished some small thing.  And if this sermon inspires you to get involved in the participatory democracy movements and justice issues of our time, so much the better.
So dedicated were these brave young prophets from Port Huron, now in their 70s, to collective action and non-hierarchical relations that we know very few of their names.  But we can still send out our grateful thanks for their ideas, their idealism, their dedication, and their spiritual grounding.  Whether consciously or not, the movements that followed them owe them no little debt, including the Occupy movement of today.
Let us rededicate ourselves, as the Port Huron Statement says, to “abolish squalor, terminate neglect, and establish an environment for people to live in with dignity and creativeness.”  May this be so!  AMEN – ASHE – SHALOM – SALAAM – NAMASTE – BLESSED BE!